Fall travel update

Here are some dates I will be in various cities, along with times that I might be available if someone wants to get together. Leave a comment if interested.

Oct 28 Indianapolis-Bloomington. Timing yet to be firmed up, but likely that early morning is the best chance.

Nov. 1. New Haven. The talk (on the three-axes model) will be at lunch time, and I probably can get one or two people in. I also may have a short stretch available around 2:00 or so.

Nov. 5-6 St. Louis. I will be staying in Clayton. Available either morning.

Nov. 7-8 Houston. Available mid-morning and afternoon on the 7th. Available morning of the 8th.

Persuasion vs. Demonization

My latest essay begins,

I will describe two modes of political discourse, which I call persuasion mode and demonization mode. In persuasion mode, we treat people on the other side with respect, we listen to their logical and factual presentations, and we respond with logical and factual presentations of our own. In demonization mode, we tell anyone who will listen that people on the other side are awful human beings.

Although I don’t cite Eric Weinstein’s podcast with Timur Kuran, I think that listening to that podcast influenced what I wrote. I have some comments about that podcast scheduled to go up on this blog next week.

Follow up on my mother, Communism, bullying

Further notes on yesterday’s post.

1. I would not apply the three-axes model to the 1950s. Here is the history as I see it:

From 1917 through 1989, I would say that there was one major axis of intellectual disagreement: pro-Communist or anti-Communist.

If you will forgive the oxymoron, in the culture of the 1920s and 1930s the Soviet Union was Silicon Valley–the epicenter of progress, or so it was thought. In the West, the Communist Party was where you went to find people with dynamism, energy, and confidence that they were “in league with the future.”

Meanwhile, anti-Communism had its ups (“red scare”) and downs (“Uncle Joe”)*, until soon after World War II, when it surged again, probably because of renewed pride in American culture and institutions combined with shock at the Soviet atomic bomb and the “fall of China.” Then Stalin’s death in 1951 and the subsequent revelation of the horrors of his regime ended the left’s romance with Communism. Although Western pro-Communism appeared to die with Stalin, the McCarthy-ite bullying of the 1950s produced a backlash of anti-anti-Communism. Finally, the fall of the Berlin Wall made the issue moot, or ended history, as Francis Fukuyama famously put it.

*Note that in the 1940s it was not obvious that Stalin was a monster. From 1941-1945, he was our ally.

2. One reader commented that my father, who drew my mother away from Communism, should have been considered a hero. That is not how bullies think. They regarded him as suspect for being associated with her (and probably to a large extent for being Jewish). A friend reminds me that my father submitted his resignation to the political science department of Washington University, because his position seemed so untenable. It was by not accepting his resignation that the University stood by him.

3. As an aside, I don’t think my mother could have persisted as a Communist in any case. I suspect that she fell in with Communists because, coming to Missouri determined to escape her Pennsylvania small-town existence, she perceived worldliness and sophistication in her Communist associates. It was through them that she met my aunt, who in turn introduced her to my father.

My aunt was very intelligent. All through high school she outshone my father academically. She even had her exploits covered in a long feature story in St. Louis’ leading newspaper. But her temperament was austere and humorless, viewing the world in black-and-white terms. Communism fit her very well.

My father’s intellectual temperament was the opposite. He was comfortable with ambiguity and profoundly skeptical of absolutist thinking. One of his favorite sayings was “The first iron law of social science is ‘sometimes it’s this way and sometimes it’s that way.'” He was not suited to Communism at all.

Neither was my mother, because she cherished amusement. In my boyhood, she sought to amuse me, and she found me amusing.

For example, a couple of times a year she and my father would go to the race track over in Illinois and place small bets. A few times they took me. In the early 1960s, they were lent a small analog computer in which one could use dials to enter information from the Racing Form and get a recommendation for betting. I was the one who worked that computer (at home, not at the track), and it took about half an hour to enter a few pieces of information about each horse in a single race. We never used it to try to bet. But it was an amusing experience.

4. Another reader asked what became of Dr. Sol Londe professionally. It’s a good question, but I don’t know the answer. Apparently, he kept his medical license. But I doubt that he could have held any position with, say, the Missouri Medical Association. [UPDATE: It turns out that he had a long and distinguished career in medicine and political activism. See the comments on this post.]

5. A progressive friend of mine claims that bullying is a Trump-era phenomenon. I would refer him to the Larry Summers case. It was in 2005 when Summers made his infamous remarks that male dominance in math departments was not necessarily due to oppression of women, but instead might reflect the fact that in the very upper extreme of math ability, men are more prevalent. His enemies distorted this into a supposed claim that “women can’t do math.” A vote of the Harvard faculty, many of whom disliked Summers for other reasons (he is easy to dislike) went against him. His resignation, unlike my father’s, was accepted, effective in 2006.

The way it appears to me now, the bullying of Summers/Harvard became the template for today’s social justice movement. It is easy not to feel sorry for Summers personally (he is easy to dislike). But the success of the campaign against him was a tragic episode from the standpoint of the principle of free inquiry.

By the way, even though Summers is easy to dislike, I mostly like him.

Rigorous political thinking

Rick Repetti writes,

If you’re interested in furthering honest political inquiry, consider playing the steel man game: “Can we steel man each other’s view, to make sure we understand them?” This is part of another game one of my graduate school mentors encouraged us to play, the “belief game”: First try to completely understand the other person’s philosophy, occupy it from the inside, see the world through that philosopher’s eyes. Only then are you in a legitimate position to speak to its flaws, if any survive that exercise in cognitive empathy. Playing the steel man game is a smaller version of that larger endeavor.

As I was reading the essay, I thought that perhaps I had written it. There is that much reinforcement of some of the political psychology and advice in my book.

Polarizing ourselves

My latest essay.

Why do we demonize those with whom we disagree? The basic reason is that it helps to protect us from having to question or doubt our own beliefs. If we see others as decent human beings, then we have to consider how they arrived at a point of view that differs from our own, and even consider the possibility that they could be at least partly correct. But instead, if we regard them as driven by evil motives, then we feel no need to give their actual arguments any sort of fair hearing. Demonizing them saves us the hard work of listening and the emotional challenge of self-doubt.

It’s a short essay offering some of the psychological insights included in The Three Languages of Politics.

TLP watch

Yascha Mounk writes,

the “Perception Gap” study suggests that neither the media nor the universities are likely to remedy Americans’ inability to hear one another: It found that the best educated and most politically interested Americans are more likely to vilify their political adversaries than their less educated, less tuned-in peers.

The study to which he refers finds that partisans over-estimate the extremism of the other side. This study was put together by the same people who produced the suspect “Hidden Tribes” report, but it seems to me that what they are doing in this study is more straightforward and less likely to produce manufactured results.

In any case, is there any doubt that highly-educated partisans tend to think that the other side are all extremists?

I think that the psychology, familiar to readers of my book, would explain it. If you believe that the other side holds reasonable views, then you cannot dismiss them as nuts. But that creates cognitive dissonance, because it raises the possibility that you are wrong. It’s much easier to go about life dismissing people with different points of view as hopeless extremists, so you don’t have to engage with them.

UPDATE: Nicholas Grossman thinks this is another methodologically flawed study, or interpretation thereof.

College students and free speech

The Knight Foundation reports,

Students are divided over whether it’s more important to promote an inclusive society that welcomes diverse groups or to protect the extremes of free speech, even if those protections come at the expense of inclusivity. Nearly six in 10 students believe that hate speech ought to be protected under the First Amendment. However, students who belong to historically marginalized groups — African American students, gender nonconforming students, and gay and lesbian students —are far more sensitive to unrestricted free speech, particularly hate speech.

… Roughly one-third (32 percent) of students say that it is always acceptable to engage in protests against speakers who are invited to campus, while six in 10 (60 percent) say this type of activity is sometimes acceptable. Only 8 percent say it is never acceptable.

Pointer from Ethan Cai, who highlights other findings from the survey.

I want to talk about a personal experience I had Tuesday night, speaking to college students brought to DC by The Fund for American Studies. The mission of the organization is to “teach the principles of limited government, free-market economics and honorable leadership.”

If there are 330 students in this year’s program, then I would say at least half of them showed up for my talk. I took about 15 questions, and each student said where they were from. I don’t recall anyone from an institution in the Northeast or the West Coast. Several were from schools in Mississippi, Texas, Louisiana, or North Carolina. Only one was from an elite school (Duke).

This was not Berkeley or Swarthmore. These were not the spoiled children of elite parents competitively gaming the admissions system. In terms of ethnic appearance, there were more African-Americans and fewer Asians than you would find in a class of that size on an elite campus. I’m guessing few Jews, if any.

My topic was the three-axes model. By the way, you can pre-order the new edition of the book (only $3.99 on Kindle), which will come out in August.

Given all of this background, I would not have expected to find a hotbed of hostility toward liberty and free speech. I was wrong about that.

Continue reading