Russ Roberts on The Three Languages of Politics

He sketches the main ideas of the book, and then he uses the three-axes model to discuss the blind spots of each tribe. For example,

Liberals first. In their eagerness to empathize with the victim, they can turn the victim into an object rather than an independent actor. Poor people are so oppressed in the liberal view, they don’t just have limited agency to choose and live life in meaningful ways. They have no agency. They are simply objects manipulated by powerful people around them.

Indeed. I would say that the oppressor-oppressed axis attaches too little agency to the individuals in the oppressed categories. Also, it attaches too much agency to the individuals put into the oppressor category. Progressives prefer to explain market outcomes as deliberate exploitation rather than the operation of supply and demand.

I would say that conservatives have a blind spot when abandoning tradition can enhance civilization rather than threaten it. Think of abandoning the tradition of Jim Crow in the South.

Concerning libertarians, Roberts writes,

We often romanticize the power of economic freedom. We struggle to imagine that some people are poorly served by markets, that some transactions involve exploitation of ignorance and that the self-regulation of markets can fail. In our zeal to de-romanticize government, we often ignore the good that government does especially in cases where freedom might perform badly. Our worst mistake is to defend the freedom of business to do what it will in situations where government has hampered or destroyed the feedback loops of profit and loss that make economic freedom successful.

I get what he is driving at with the last sentence–the problem sometimes called crony capitalism–but it comes across as more of a humble-brag than a blind spot.

What might I see is the libertarian blind spot? Perhaps it is the tendency to view coercion as a binary phenomenon. We speak as if you either are coerced by the government or you make a free choice. Perhaps it is more reasonable to think in terms of a continuum. There are many government policies that people do not experience as horribly coercive. Traffic regulations are one obvious example. There are market situations where people do not sense that they have free choice–remember the guy who got thrown off a plane by the airline? And what if a gay couple could not find any convenient baker willing to bake them a wedding cake?

The left, the market, and economists

In a recent exchange with Don Boudreaux, Bryan Caplan writes,

The heart of the left is being anti-market.

From the standpoint of the oppressor-oppressed axis, it may make sense to be anti-market. If you look at market outcomes, you see some people do much better than others. It is natural to assume that those doing well are oppressors and those doing not as well are oppressed.

As an economist, I look at the market as impersonal. It is a process. As a process, it has many virtues.
Competition helps to regulate exploitation. The profit motive spurs innovation that helps people in general. You know the drill.

Bryan is among those who believe that teaching people economics can help them to understand the process perspective and to see the market in less personal terms. Hence, if you confront people on the left with economics, their leftism will soften. That indeed has happened to many economists. Vernon Smith and Deirdre McClosky are two prominent ex-socialists.

Unfortunately, I think that going forward we are going to see the opposite effect of confronting leftists with economists. That is, I think that the academic economics will be converted to an oppressor-oppressed view of markets. Not that I think that such a view is more justified now than in the past. Rather, I think that the leftism in academia is stronger than in the past. See my recent essay. As I have pointed out in previous posts, we are already seeing much more focus in academic economics on anti-market perspectives that align with the oppressor-oppressed framing.

Facts, Feelings, and Filters

A commenter writes,

Arnold’s argument that economics is about using particular frameworks as lenses for interpretation is also quite postmodern.

Well, sort of.

Consider three statements.

a) Amazon announced its intention to purchase Whole Foods.

b) Amazon should not be allowed to purchase Whole Foods.

c) Amazon’s purchase of Whole Foods damages the prospects of other grocers.

(a) is an example of a fact. (b) is an example of a feeling.

(c) is an example of an observation based on a filter, in that it depends on one’s framework of interpretation. You might think one way if you see Amazon’s move as intensifying competition in the grocery industry. You might think differently if you see it reducing competition and/or as a signal that there is value in national grocery franchises (what if Google or Facebook decide they also want to own grocery stores?). And, yes, the drop in stock prices for other large grocery chains says that investors favor one interpretation more than another. But my point is that the interpretation is contestable.

Some more remarks.

1. In 20th-century philosophy, the Logical Positivists seemed to dismiss the concept of filters. They would regard (c) as an attempted fact-claim. Anything other than a fact-claim or a feeling is a dogma.

2. The Post-modernists take the opposite view. Every statement comes through a filter. This would make every statement contestable, including (a).

3. I wish to take an intermediate position. I believe that there are scientific observations and laws that are not contestable, but I also believe that filters are very important. Synonyms for filters include frameworks of interpretation, models, theories, and paradigms.

4. In Specialization and Trade, I argue against the dominant filter in macroeconomics, which I call the GDP factory.

5. In The Three Languages of Politics, I argue that progressives, conservatives, and libertarians each use distinctive linguistic filters. If you make an argument using terms that correspond to (for example) the progressive’s linguistic filter, a progressive will approve that argument, while it will fail to resonate with a conservative or libertarian.

6. In both books, I am suggesting that people think they see truth, but there are different plausible filters that would change their outlook.

7. However, I do not go so far as to say that there is no truth, and that any belief system is as good as any other. Instead, I am saying that sometimes there is more than one plausible filter. If you are sending a man to the moon or building a computer, you had better use the consensus scientific filters. In other realms, where causal density is high, no filter is robust.

8. If you want to be wise, you need to acknowledge the anomalies that cast doubt on your filters. Otherwise, you end up treating your filter as a sacred tribal doctrine.

9. There is a prominent version of post-modernism that I would term Left Post-modernism. Strictly speaking, post-modernism should lead one to be aware of many possible filters and skeptical of one’s own filters. In contrast, Left Post-modernism puts everything through the filter of race and gender and is entirely lacking in self-doubt. For example, in Sunday’s WaPo, Tung Yin writes,

Mass killings look the most like terrorism when their perpetrators seem the most alien from the Judeo-Christian, white majority.

This is Left Post-modernism treating its filter as a sacred tribal doctrine, ignoring some pretty obvious contrary evidence. Just off the top of my head, the Irish Republican Army and the Baader-Meinhof gang were labeled terrorists.

The WaPo itself has an analysis on line (not in print, that I could see) of Friday’s terrorist stabbing in Jerusalem, which is focused on “who they were working with and for.” That is one distinctive feature of terrorism, which is that the perpetrators claim to act on behalf of an organization that engages in terrorism. But far be it from Yin to admit that the term “terrorism” is anything other than a racist epithet.

Speaking of Friday’s attack, in which an Israeli policewoman was stabbed to death before the attackers were killed, The BBC notoriously headlined the incident “Three Palestinians killed after deadly stabbing in Jerusalem.” This is how they prefer to filter such news (although in this rare instance, following Israeli outrage the BBC later changed the headline). The WaPo filtered the news even more effectively, because I did not see any coverage of the incident at all in its print editions. It might otherwise disturb the narrative that the WaPo put forth prominently in recent Sunday editions, in which the Palestinians suffer from checkpoints for no reason under “occupation.”

The WaPo news and Outlook sections are now all Left Post-modernism, all the time. The editorial page is sometimes more broad-minded, but I have given up on the heavy-handed filtering disguised as reporting and analysis. For news, I look elsewhere.

Modernity and the Three-Axes Model

Michael Aaron writes,

Modernists are those who believe in human progress within a classical Western tradition. They believe that the world can continuously be improved through science, technology, and rationality. Unlike traditionalists, they seek progress rather than reversal, but what they share in common is an interest in preserving the basic structures of Western society. Most modernists could be classified as centrists (either left or right-leaning), classical liberals and libertarians.

Postmodernists, on the other hand, eschew any notion of objectivity, perceiving knowledge as a construct of power differentials rather than anything that could possibly be mutually agreed upon. Informed by such thinkers as Foucault and Derrida, science therefore becomes an instrument of Western oppression; indeed, all discourse is a power struggle between oppressors and oppressed.

The reader who pointed me to this essay suggested that it fits the three-axes model. I am not sure that it does. It would fit the model if put traditionalists on the civilization vs. barbarism axis, modernists on the liberty vs. coercion axis, and progressives on the oppressor vs. oppressed axis. But when Aaron writes,

modernists perceive an influx of Islam, and particularly conservative strains of Islam, in the form of unbridled mass migration, to pose a threat to Western culture due to its authoritarian, sexist and homophobic views

the phrases “influx of Islam” and “threat to Western culture” strikes me as appealing to the civilization vs. barbarism axis.

A kind review of my book

From an Amazon reader,

the second edition is much better than the first. It’s nearly three times as long (146 pages vs the original edition’s 54), and more importantly gets the ideas across better. And that’s important because this is a very important idea, one that — if read by everyone — would lead to much more understanding all around.

Nonetheless, the second edition of The Three Languages of Politics landed with a thud on Amazon. It’s a book geared toward political peace. But no one is interested in peace when they think they are winning the war.

Advertisement for Three Languages of Politics

Do you think it will get anyone interested in ordering it?

I tend to doubt it, but I am pretty pessimistic about the book’s prospects in general. I’m proud of the book, but the most avid audience for political books won’t like it and the people who would most like it (other than you folks, of course) are not the most avid about politics.

Jonathan Haidt’s six-step program

for viewpoint diversity on campus. The steps include

Look inside the mind. Learn a little bit of psychology to see the tricks the mind plays on us, making us all prone to be self-righteous, overconfident, and quick to demonize “the other side.”

Understand the moral matrix. Learn how each team or tribe builds a comprehensive worldview that can explain everything, while making it harder for its members to think for themselves.

Venture beyond your moral matrix. Step outside your own moral matrix by exploring the mindsets, perspectives, and principles of progressives, conservatives, and libertarians.

Pointer from Tyler Cowen.

I think that my book, The Three Languages of Politics, does a good job with these three steps. For the remaining steps, Haidt’s other resources are needed. My book will be out in two days, and it is available now for pre-order.

Political speech to close minds

Scott Alexander writes,

if everything you’ve tried so far has failed, maybe you should try something different. Right now, the neutral gatekeeper institutions have tried being biased against conservatives. They’ve tried showing anti-conservative bias. They’ve tried ramping up the conservativism-related bias level. They’ve tried taking articles, and biasing them against conservative positions. I appreciate their commitment to multiple diverse strategies, but I can’t help but wonder whether there’s a possibility they’ve missed.

The blatant anti-conservative bias in the media and on campus makes no sense if you think that their goal is to open the minds of those who agree with them or of those who disagree with them. However, it makes perfect sense if you think that their goal is to close the minds of those who agree with them.

My theory of political speech is that it has exactly that purpose: to close the minds of those with whom you agree. That theory is spelled out in The Three Languages of Politics.

The new edition will be out next week, and it is currently available for pre-order. Comments on Amazon refer to the first edition. The new edition has been revised and extended.

Re-reading Bobos in Paradise

On p. 47, there is this:

For one reason or another the following people and institutions fall outside the ranks of Bobo respectability: Donald Trump, Pat Robertson, Louis Farrakhan, Bob Guccione, Wayne Newton, Nancy Reagan, Adnan Khashoggi, Jesse Helms, Jerry Springer, Mike Tyson, Rush Limbaugh, Philip Morris, developers, loggers, Hallmark Greeting Cards, the National Rifle Association, Hooters.

That is David Brooks, copyright 2000. Unless you think I have a photographic memory, I did not recall this sentence when I first wrote that the 2016 election was along the Bobo vs. anti-Bobo axis.