A comment on hospital costs

The commenter wrote,

At one level, hospital costs are simple. People, supplies, and buildings. There aren’t big Scrooge McDuck vaults sitting around filled with healthcare lucre. . .

Frequently underutilized resources. A hospital, especially a large hospital, needs to have certain services available whether they are being used or not. Trauma teams are an example, but there are lots of small hidden resources that are also there ‘just in case’. Worse, these resources tend to be scaled to peak usage, not average or median usage. That means that at any given time there are unused resources sitting around. But woe betide if they aren’t available one of the 2 times per month they are needed. Medflight helicopters spend a lot more time on the ground than in the air.

Read the whole post. The helicopters are an interesting example. My guess is that if you divide the annual cost of the helicopter service by the number of times it is used, it comes out to hundreds of thousands of dollars, and nobody gets charged that. The people who complain about being over-billed for aspirin or bandages don’t complain about the under-billing for helicopter services.

My point–and I think that the comment supports it–is that you just cannot interpret hospital bills as if they were based on variable cost. Costs are dominated by overhead, and how hospitals choose to recover that overhead is bound to seem arbitrary.

How hospitals play hardball

In the WSJ, Anne Wilde Mathews writes,

Dominant hospital systems use an array of secret contract terms to protect their turf and block efforts to curb health-care costs. As part of these deals, hospitals can demand insurers include them in every plan and discourage use of less-expensive rivals. Other terms allow hospitals to mask prices from consumers, limit audits of claims, add extra fees and block efforts to exclude health-care providers based on quality or cost.

Pointer from John Cochrane, who adds,

Medicine is missing the discipline of competition.

But I still wonder where the money goes in these hospitals. The bottom line? Waste? Paying for fixed costs? I suspect that it’s the latter. If so, then reducing hospital charges for some services is only going to cause them to raise prices for other services.

I am not against trying to increase competition in order to try to stimulate greater efficiency. But I am not sure that those of us on the outside really understand the cost drivers in medical care, especially in hospitals.

Where are the profits in health care?

Melanie Evans of thw WSJ writes,

For nearly a decade, Gundersen Health System’s hospital in La Crosse, Wis., boosted the price of knee-replacement surgery an average of 3% a year. By 2016, the average list price was more than $50,000, including the surgeon and anesthesiologist.

Yet even as administrators raised the price, they had no real idea what it cost to perform the surgery—the most common for hospitals in the U.S. outside of those related to childbirth. They set a price using a combination of educated guesswork and a canny assessment of market opportunity.

The actual cost? $10,550 at most, including the physicians. The list price was five times that amount.

This fits in with the theme of Overcharged, by Charles Silver and David A. Hyman. They argue that the problem is third-party payments. They say that if American consumers had to pay more out of pocket, health care prices would have to come down.

I am all in favor of increasing the share of out-of-pocket spending and reserving insurance for the most costly illnesses. But I am skeptical of the view that there is a lot to be squeezed out of health care prices. Some thoughts.

1. I was surprised that knee surgery is so prevalent. Is it that prevalent in other countries? Contrary to the claim that Americans get the same amount of health care as people in other countries, I bet that knee surgery per capita is much higher in the U.S. than elsewhere. I think that Americans spend more on health care because we undergo more medical procedures, particularly high-end procedures, than people in other countries. On the whole, these additional procedures are not all that effective, so undergoing more of them does little or nothing to help overall health outcomes.

2. If you charge five times what something costs, you should show fantastic profits. I don’t believe we find that in the health care sector. Profits in many cases, yes. But nothing so spectacular. A lot of hospitals are non-profits, after all.

3. If hospitals only charged for variable cost, they would lose money. Hospitals have a lot of overhead. Lots of administrative paperwork. Lots of janitors, orderlies, laundry workers, cafeteria workers, and so on. That overhead has to be allocated somewhere. You can only allocate so much of it to the patient who visits the emergency room for strep throat or food poisoning. So more of it gets allocated to surgical patients.

4. If you want to convince me that America’s health care mess is primarily a price problem, then don’t just tell me anecdotes.
If you think that America overpays for health care by $1 trillion a year (a figure that Silver and Hyman toss around), then show me where that money goes in the aggregate. Add up all the excess returns on capital at hospitals, pharmaceutical companies, medical supply companies, etc. I bet you won’t find anything close to $1 trillion.

Non-Hansonian medicine

Scott Alexander writes,

age-adjusted cancer incidence rates and death rates have been going down since 1990, primarily due to better social policies like discouraging smoking. Five-year-survival rates have been gradually improving since at least 1970, on average by maybe about 10% though this depends on severity. Although some of this is confounded by improved screening, this is unlikely to explain more than about 20-50% of the effect. The remainder is probably a real improvement in treatment. Whether or not this level of gradual improvement is enough to represent “winning” the War on Cancer, it at least demonstrates a non-zero amount of progress.

Robin Hanson pointed out years ago that various data sources suggested little difference in mortality between populations with extensive medical treatment and populations with less medical treatment. He hypothesized that the cases where medical treatment prolongs lives are offset by cases where treatment hastens death.

How to reconcile Hanson with Alexander? Some possibilities:

1. Perhaps Alexander’s data are more recent and reflect recent progress.

2. Perhaps the difference in cancer survival rate is too small to be significant in overall mortality statistics. You are affecting a small portion of the population, and you are increasing lifespans of the affected individuals by less than 10 years each (they tend to be elderly and prone to dying of other things.)

3. The gains in successful cancer treatment tend to be offset increases in deaths caused by medical interventions that worsen outcomes.

Cautious vs. disruptive

The WSJ reports that Atul Gawande is to head the Amazon-Berkshire-Morgan health venture.

In addition to running the new venture, Dr. Gawande will continue to practice surgery and keep his position as a professor at Harvard, as well as retain a role at Ariadne Labs as chairman, according to Ariadne Labs.

I smell a nothingburger. You don’t disrupt an industry with a part-time CEO whose claim to fame as a health care reformer is advocating that doctors use checklists.

On the same day, Scott Alexander writes,

Cheap-O Psychiatry wouldn’t have an office, because offices cost money. You would Skype, from your house to mine. It wouldn’t have a receptionist, because receptionists cost money. You would book a slot in my Google Calendar. It wouldn’t have a billing department, because billing departments cost money. You would PayPal me the cost of the appointment afterwards

If you want political cover, you pick Gawande, who is revered by all. If you want to have an impact, you pick someone like Scott Alexander.

Health care prices and quantities

Irene Papanicolas, Liana R. Woskie, and Ashish K. Jha write,

The United States spent approximately twice as much as other high-income countries on medical care, yet utilization rates in the United States were largely similar to those in other nations. Prices of labor and goods, including pharmaceuticals, and administrative costs appeared to be the major drivers of the difference in overall cost between the United States and other high-income countries.

Pointer from Tyler Cowen.

The paper is very readable, and the tables are very clear. For example, the ratio of specialist physician pay to the mean wage in the U.S. is 5.3 in the U.S. compared with 3.9 in the next-highest country. For general physicians, the ratio is 3.6 in the U.S. compared with 3.3 in the next-highest country.

The study contradicts most of what I believe about comparative health care spending. It also contradicts the findings of Random Critical Analysis. I think that the probability that the study is mostly accurate is less than fifty percent, but greater than zero.

A challenge is that data are very shaky in many areas. The authors write,

Even when data were collected from the same source, issues of comparability remain because of fundamental differences in how systems are organized and, in turn, how care is categorized. Two areas of particular concern are outpatient spending and the primary care workforce. We attempted to address limitations in the workforce data by utilizing a functionality-based approach to identifying who provides primary care services in each country and by cross-referencing resulting numbers with country experts.

Random Critical Analysis used different data on the health care work force and got very different results.

My health care essay: condensed version

The Myths Surrounding Health Care Policy. A random excerpt:

But in practice, it is not so easy for statisticians and economists to over-ride the judgment of doctors. As anyone who has ever tried to set up a bonus system for salespeople can tell you, all compensation systems can be “gamed.” It is easy for doctors to change how they report what they do, without having much effect on their actual decisions. In fact, this was what happened in the largest experiment with “pay for quality” to date, which was conducted in the UK.

Finished my assignment: a 20-page essay on health care

It’s actually more like 12 pages, single-spaced. About 6000 words.

I am not sure what to do with it. Here is the conclusion:

As individuals, we would like unlimited access to medical services without having to pay for them. Collectively, this leads to high spending on health care. High spending on health care is the main problem of the U.S. health care system. As we have seen, it is unlikely that this problem can be solved by changing the way health care providers are paid or by government experts devising a more efficient system.

From a health outcomes standpoint, the United States might do better to spend less on medical services and instead spend more on efforts to reduce homicides, automobile accidents, obesity, and substance abuse. There is a lot of leverage that can be obtained if improvements in those areas can be achieved.

There are two directions that the United States could go in order to reduce health care spending. The “left turn” would move in the direction of Canada. The “right turn” would move in the direction of Singapore.

The “left turn” would be to introduce government rationing of medical services. This might come about if the share of health care spending financed by taxpayers continues to rise and the consequent strain on government budgets forces government programs to restrict access to services.

The “right turn” would be to increase household’s exposure to the costs of health care and health insurance. For example, the government could eliminate the tax subsidy for employer-provided health insurance, steering more households into the individual market. The government could set up a combination of catastrophic insurance, health savings accounts, and subsidies for the poor similar to those in Singapore.

With either a “left turn” or a “right turn,” we are likely to see a two-tier health care system. With a “left turn,” the government will hold down its spending by limiting access to expensive services that are not clearly highly beneficial. But wealthy people will still be able to afford those services by paying for them privately.

With a “right turn,” people will have to self-ration their use of medical services. Poor people will be limited in what they can obtain by the nature of the subsidies that they receive. They will consume the medical services that are covered by government subsidies. Wealthy people will have ample savings accounts to obtain whatever medical services they desire.

As of now, I do not see any strong momentum either toward the left or the right. For the near future, the United States is likely to continue along its current high-spending path.

So-called experts on U.S. vs. Europe in health care spending

The European IGM Experts Panel was polled on the following proposition:

Higher quality-adjusted US healthcare prices contribute relatively more to the extra US spending than does the combination of higher quantity and quality of US care (interpreting quantity and quality to reflect both greater American healthcare needs due to underlying population health and the delivery of more or better healthcare services to Americans).

Of those voicing an opinion, those who agree outnumber those who disagree by almost 5 to 1.

They are wrong. The amazing blogger at Random Critical Analysis (who is this person? I am dying to know) takes down the “it’s the prices, stupid” claim. Just one of the many statistics the blogger cites is

The human health share of total employment also explains a fair amount of the variance in the HCE [Health Care Expenditure] share of GDP and the US, unsurprisingly, has a proportionally larger health workforce.

In other words, using the size of the workforce in the health care sector as a measure, or at least an indicator, of the amount of real resources devoted to health care, then if you want to explain what makes the U.S. an outlier, it’s the quantities, stupid.

Bezos-care?

Ben Thompson writes,

Amazon could not only open up its standard interface to other large employers, but small-and-medium sized businesses, and even individuals; in this way the Amazon Health Marketplace could aggregate by far the most demand for healthcare.

To me, that sounds like a giant Obamacare exchange without the Obama regulations. A Bezos-care exchange if you will.

Read the whole post. A major point that Thompson makes is that it takes time to disrupt an industry, particularly one that is embedded deeply into a regulatory structure.